作者:
Francis Fukuyama 出版社: Farrar, Straus and Giroux 副标题: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy 出版年: 2014-9-30 页数: 672 定价: USD 35.00 装帧: Hardcover ISBN: 9780374227357
The second volume of the bestselling landmark work on the history of the modern state
Writing in The Wall Street Journal, David Gress called Francis Fukuyama’s Origins of Political Order “magisterial in its learning and admirably immodest in its ambition.” In The New York Times Book Review, Michael Lind described the book as “a major achievement by one of the leading public int...
The second volume of the bestselling landmark work on the history of the modern state
Writing in The Wall Street Journal, David Gress called Francis Fukuyama’s Origins of Political Order “magisterial in its learning and admirably immodest in its ambition.” In The New York Times Book Review, Michael Lind described the book as “a major achievement by one of the leading public intellectuals of our time.” And in The Washington Post, Gerard DeGrott exclaimed “this is a book that will be remembered. Bring on volume two.”
Volume two is finally here, completing the most important work of political thought in at least a generation. Taking up the essential question of how societies develop strong, impersonal, and accountable political institutions, Fukuyama follows the story from the French Revolution to the so-called Arab Spring and the deep dysfunctions of contemporary American politics. He examines the effects of corruption on governance, and why some societies have been successful at rooting it out. He explores the different legacies of colonialism in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and offers a clear-eyed account of why some regions have thrived and developed more quickly than others. And he boldly reckons with the future of democracy in the face of a rising global middle class and entrenched political paralysis in the West.
A sweeping, masterful account of the struggle to create a well-functioning modern state, Political Order and Political Decay is destined to be a classic.
作者简介
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Francis Fukuyama is the Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow at Stanford University’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. He has previously taught at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University and at the George Mason University School of Public Policy. Fukuyama was a researcher at the RAND Corporation and served as the depu...
Francis Fukuyama is the Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow at Stanford University’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. He has previously taught at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University and at the George Mason University School of Public Policy. Fukuyama was a researcher at the RAND Corporation and served as the deputy director for the State Department’s policy planning staff. He is the author of The Origins of Political Order, The End of History and the Last Man, Trust, and America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy. He lives with his wife in California.
But this control exists largely through the political minister placed by each administration at the top of the bureaucratic hierarchy. What has never happened in German history is the wholesale distribution of government offices to party workers as a matter of political patronage, as occurred in the United States, Italy, and Greece. (查看原文)
对照英文版看的，确实删减了很多，我觉得有重要的几点 ： 1. “The Chinese regime is itself now suffering from political decay and losing the autonomy that was the source of its earlier success”；然后再次陷入庇护政治、依附主义和分利秩序的困境 2.一切制度都会衰...
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Political Order and Political Decay最大的遗憾不是在于它的内容，而是在于它对于福山本人的意义。本书发行后，许多评论认为它代表了自《历史的终结》之后，福山对于当代政治新的思考，象征他思想的转变。不得不说，这种看法实在过高估计了这本书的定位。 Political Order an...
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0 有用 rainbug 2015-08-28 00:15:08
福山越来越世俗主义了。
1 有用 Soo Yung 2015-07-27 10:59:01
纵观两部巨著，太过宏大的野心最终在行文框架中一并衰败，导致笼统概括、琐碎重复太多，远远失去了在历史的终结中起码的流畅。政府能力、法制监管和民主问责的三者平衡并未能在地区间横向对比中得以展开，其发展的先后顺序虽有图表但实质空乏、无法归类。新增也是最关键的政治衰败草草谈了1/5，得出的结论不过是政治衰败是政体发展的一个阶段，是出于旧有秩序无法平衡新的利益集团和诉求（达尔文你好），粗浅、薄弱地以美国为例... 纵观两部巨著，太过宏大的野心最终在行文框架中一并衰败，导致笼统概括、琐碎重复太多，远远失去了在历史的终结中起码的流畅。政府能力、法制监管和民主问责的三者平衡并未能在地区间横向对比中得以展开，其发展的先后顺序虽有图表但实质空乏、无法归类。新增也是最关键的政治衰败草草谈了1/5，得出的结论不过是政治衰败是政体发展的一个阶段，是出于旧有秩序无法平衡新的利益集团和诉求（达尔文你好），粗浅、薄弱地以美国为例的论据支撑，至于如何后续发展，就只能交由个体能动性。结尾时硬扯一笔自由民主无关政府能力，作为历史终结有其独特的正确，简直把当年大段黑格尔的论调弃之不顾，明明全两册下来都没有再说自由民主制了好吗。唯一有趣的是福山将国家能力与官僚自主性画成了一个双轴图，提出要如何接近右斜线的改革路线，然而并没什么用 M (展开)
0 有用 Ben✨ 2016-05-26 07:45:50
用了快俩月，终于读完了。
2 有用 功夫熊猫小碗熊 2014-10-28 11:46:26
文笔和思维随着政治秩序一起逐渐溃散和崩坏。除了新加入工业革命后部分经济和社会因素，及扩大了地区覆盖范围，基本上在絮叨重复第一部，政治崩坏只占五六分之一篇幅。虽然志不在、也无法提出关于政治发展的整全理论，但框架和行文也无法约束住两本大书规模，第一部中约隐约现的问题集中爆发：法治、国家质量和民主之间的关系依然模糊不清，各地区的独特轨迹难以捏合到一起，唯有各自用以突出某些因素的作用（拉美—殖民遗产，东亚... 文笔和思维随着政治秩序一起逐渐溃散和崩坏。除了新加入工业革命后部分经济和社会因素，及扩大了地区覆盖范围，基本上在絮叨重复第一部，政治崩坏只占五六分之一篇幅。虽然志不在、也无法提出关于政治发展的整全理论，但框架和行文也无法约束住两本大书规模，第一部中约隐约现的问题集中爆发：法治、国家质量和民主之间的关系依然模糊不清，各地区的独特轨迹难以捏合到一起，唯有各自用以突出某些因素的作用（拉美—殖民遗产，东亚—历史上强国传统的作用，非洲—思维与部落历史，欧美—因素齐备但也最早出现崩坏），最后则以不能规定顺序、让行动者发挥能动性聊以自辩，似令两部书努力都付诸东流，距离重构亨廷顿理论相去太远。其实工业革命前新秩序冒起必然意味着旧秩序崩坏，类似破坏性创新，停滞式崩坏反像是工业革命后新现象，惜福山未注意。 (展开)
10 有用 浅草 2015-02-01 20:46:37
学术价值不敢妄评，但至少对非专业人士来说这本书还是普及了很多知识。最关键的一点，即使是民主制度，也并非在所有的环境下都能带来好的结果。专制制度就更不用说了。归根到底还是要有一个灵活和能适应各种变化的体制。中国的长处在于历史上一直拥有强力有效的政府部门，缺点则是缺乏法治和问责。中国的中产阶级目前也还不够壮大到能为民主提供稳固健康的根基，难以阻止民主流于民粹和裙带关系。如果中国的中产阶级在发展壮大之后... 学术价值不敢妄评，但至少对非专业人士来说这本书还是普及了很多知识。最关键的一点，即使是民主制度，也并非在所有的环境下都能带来好的结果。专制制度就更不用说了。归根到底还是要有一个灵活和能适应各种变化的体制。中国的长处在于历史上一直拥有强力有效的政府部门，缺点则是缺乏法治和问责。中国的中产阶级目前也还不够壮大到能为民主提供稳固健康的根基，难以阻止民主流于民粹和裙带关系。如果中国的中产阶级在发展壮大之后仍然满足于开明专制体制，那可能就说明中国在文化上的确是不同的…… (展开)